Hightower Lowdown - Employee Free Choice Act
Since Reagan, unions have been squeezed out of the
workplace
Time for real workplace democracy-- not the phony company
version
Last October, Home Depot co-founder Bernie Marcus blew a gasket,
spewing outrage in all directions. "This is the demise of
civilization," he exploded. "This is how a civilization
disappears. I'm watching this happen and I don't believe it!"
Bernie's outburst came during an hour-long conference call with
various other corporate executives and their political operatives.
The purpose was to collect industry funds for a campaign to kill a
piece of legislation called the Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA).
Yes, the spark that ignited Bernie's fury, the hellish horror that
he insisted would produce America's Armageddon, was a simple labor
bill, and he was demanding that the corporate powers rally to save
civilization as they know it.
"As a shareholder, if I knew the CEO of the company wasn't doing
anything on [EFCA]...I would sue the son of a bitch," he foamed.
"If a retailer has not gotten involved in this...he should be
shot. They should be thrown out of their goddamn jobs."
He didn't specify whether such traitorous executives should be
shot first, then thrown out of their jobs, or vice-versa-- but you
get the point: Corporate America is working up a feverish panic
over the very notion of linking the term "employees" with the
concept of free choice.
"It is a political nightmare and a public policy disaster,"
shrieked a PR flack for a corporate front group opposing this
legislation. He even claims that top executives "are ready to riot
in the street about it." Now that's exciting! I, for one, would
pay to watch a horde of red-faced, Gucci-clad, CEOs rioting,
wouldn't you?
Who needs it?
What EFCA does is to restore workers' freedom to organize
themselves into unions so they can bargain with corporate
chieftains for fairer wages and benefits. That's it. Wait, you
might say, can't they do that now? Wasn't this settled back in the
1930s with collective bargaining laws and creation of the National
Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to protect worker rights?
Yes--and no. It's true that 75 years ago our country took a stand
for promoting workplace democracy--a fundamental national
principle that the great majority of Americans still embrace. But
corporations are not democracies. They are hierarchical, secretive
autocracies, and most have never taken to the idea that working
families ought to have a say in how they are treated. Thus
corporate executives and lobbyists have worked steadily and
stealthily over the years to erode these democratic gains, pushing
against them especially hard in the past couple of decades.
Indeed, since the Reagan years, there has been a pernicious
campaign by corporate interests and their political enablers to
spread the myth that unions themselves are archaic entities, no
longer necessary or wanted. Sure, there was a need for workers to
get organized back in the bad 01' Depression era, but that was so
last century. As the corporatists might put it:
"Hey, Bucko, we're all in a modern, global economy today, where we no longer have "workers," we have "associates," and we deal with each of them as independent units, giving America a flexible workforce so we can minimize labor costs and maximize shareholder value. Unions just get in the way of this, don't you see?"
This line of self-serving Corporate Think was articulated last
fall by John Engler, the former Michigan politician who's now
chief lobbyist (and self-appointed labor theorist) for the
National Association of Manufacturers. "In the sophisticated
workplaces of the 21st century," he lectured, "you see management
and labor often work closely together to beat the competition.
When they're doing that, the need for unions is obviated."
What Professor Engler is telling us is that ergo, ipso facto, and
ad absurdum, he's a gooberhead.
The need for unions is hardly obviated when workers have been
dramatically increasing their productivity and generating more
national wealth, only to be rewarded with falling wages,
plummeting purchasing power, elimination of health-care benefits,
and cancellation of pensions. Meanwhile, corporate downsizing and
offshoring of jobs are rampant, part-time work is the new norm,
and job-safety rules have been sacrificed on the altar of Wall
Street's profit demands. Note also that CEOs who so loudly bemoan
union wages are paying themselves in the neighborhood of $10,000
an hour, contributing to the widest income inequality seen in
America since the 1920s. This gap between the rich and the rest of
us now ranks as the worst in the industrialized world.
These realities not only explain why today's workers need unions,
but also why there is such a widespread yearning for them. A 2006
poll of the general public by the Pew Research Center found that
68% of us believe labor unions are necessary to protect working
families. In that same year, a survey of workers by pollster Peter
Hart indicated that as many as 60 million Americans would join a
union tomorrow--if they could.
Why can't they?
Because the corporate powers, abetted by politicians they fund,
have monkeywrenched America's rules for unionizing a factory,
big-box store, hospital, bank, food-processing plant, or other
workplace. Companies are free to be aggressively hostile to any
employee who so much as whispers, "What we need around here is a
good union."
And if an employee actually talks to coworkers about unionizing
the place, it's common for that person to be harassed,
disciplined, demoted, and even fired by corporate managers. Tens
of thousands of workers are either disciplined or given the boot
each year for daring to support unionization. During organizing
campaigns, nearly a third of the companies involved fire at least
one worker for union activity, sending a chilling message to other
employees.
Such sledgehammer tactics are, of course, illegal, but the
corporate-dominated NLRB's enforcement process is so drawn out and
grueling that few of the abused workers can afford even to try
getting justice. And if a corporation does happen to be cited by
the labor-relations board for violations, the penalties are a
joke. Management treats them like parking tickets--an
inconsequential cost of doing business and a cheap means of
stifling workplace democracy and shutting out unions.
Still, against all odds, workers have been persevering, producing
enough support in hundreds of workplaces to force unionization
elections. Great! Elections are the very essence of democracy,
right? No, not when management thinks workers might win. Once
again, the monkeywrenchers have rigged the rules to make a vote on
unionizing as unfair to labor as trying to bowl in hell with a
snowball.
These are "elections" in which only one side (guess which one)
gets to campaign. Under NLRB's distorted rules, union organizers
are not allowed to enter the workplace to talk with employees! Nor
are they given a contact list, so they have no way to reach all
the voters and present their side.
On the other hand, corporate executives can call mandatory,
closed-door meetings to harangue all employees about the evils of
unionization. They can also force every employee to have
intimidating, one-on-one sessions with their supervisors to be
told why voting for the union would not be a good career move.
Corporations bring in outside muscle, too, spending hundreds of
millions of dollars a year to hire professional "labor
consultants" (aka union busters) who are experts in often-unsubtle
ways of convincing employees to vote no on unionization.
Research by Kate Bronfenbrenner, a widely respected professor of
labor studies at Cornell University, finds that 92% of companies
involved in organizing campaigns use the mandatory-meetings
tactic, 78% require one-on-one sessions with supervisors, and 75%
hire union busters to squeeze employees.
She also found that half of the corporations facing elections
threaten that they will close the plant or store if the union
prevails, costing all employees their jobs. (Interestingly, when
unions do succeed, only 1% of the corporations actually follow
through on this threat.) Even when workers win these elections,
however, they still haven't won. Corporate executives can simply
stonewall, unilaterally nullifying the election results by
refusing to negotiate in good faith (or at all) to produce a
collective-bargaining agreement with the workers. This, too, is
illegal, but corporate lawyers can easily draw out the process for
years, making it extremely costly. A study published last year in
the Industrial and Labor Relations Review found that 44% of
companies do not agree to a contract after their workers vote to
form a union.
Restoring fairness
The NLRB system is not merely broken, it has been thoroughly
perverted. Its original mission was to assure that America's
working men and women have "the right to self-organization, to
form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively
through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in
concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or
other mutual aid and protection." Far from assuring this right,
however, the system today is just another corporate tool for
stiffing workers.
To break the corporate shackles on America's unionization process,
to restore a reasonable balance of power between labor and
executives, and to make "workplace democracy" more than a
rhetorical sham, unions and their advocates have crafted an
alternative method for voting on unionizing. It's called Employee
Free Choice, and it streamlines the current cumbersome process by
providing three straightforward steps:
1. Majority sign-up. If a majority of employees in a
workplace sign cards attesting that they choose to form a union,
the NLRB must recognize this "card-check election" and certify the
will of the workers. This alternative, majority-rule process is
used without a problem in Canada and by some U.S. corporations,
including AT&T and Kaiser Permanente. If employees prefer, they
still can decide to use the current elections system--the choice
is theirs, as it should be, since it is their organization.
2. Contract arbitration. If workers choose to unionize,
their representatives and those of the corporation have three
months to negotiate a first contract. If they cannot reach an
agreement, a federal mediator is brought in to try resolving the
differences. If no agreement is reached after 30 days of
mediation, the disputed issues are submitted to binding
arbitration, thus preventing endless foot-dragging.
3. Penalties against coercion. No more wristslaps for
intimidating, firing, or otherwise pressuring employees in the
process of deciding on unionization. It is illegal to use
coercion, and this provision jacks up the penalties so there is a
real deterrent to violations, including $20,000 fines for each
incident and treble back pay for employees who've been fired,
demoted, or otherwise discriminated against for unionizing
activity.
Corporate sanctimony
To attack the card-check approach, corporate executives (who have
shown themselves to be champion intimidators of their employees)
have suddenly metamorphosed into caped crusaders against employee
intimidation! By unions, that is. Beware, they shout, for
dastardly union "BOSSES" will stop at nothing to browbeat workers
into signing those cards. Therefore, in order to protect our
vulnerable employees from the possibility of labor thuggery, it is
imperative that we maintain the current system of NLRB elections
(which leaves browbeating in the trusted hands of management).
To give such naked hypocrisy a cloak of respectability, corporate
interests insist that what's really at stake here is [cue the
patriotic music and unfurl the stars and stripes] the sanctity of
the secret ballot. Bernie from Home Depot covered himself with
this cloak in a Business Week piece he wrote last fall: "[EFCA]
eviscerates traditional democratic principles by effectively
taking away an employee's right to vote by secret ballot."
It's always touching to hear top management almost sob with
concern about employee rights, but Mr. Marcus is flat wrong. EFCA
does not eliminate the secret ballot. The entire NLRB process is
left in place, still available if workers choose to use it. EFCA
simply restores the original intent of the 1935 National Labor
Relations Act. The card-check method was authorized in that
law--but, over the years, corporate interests were able to kill it
by chiseling into NLRB rules a provision that management can veto
the use of card checks. EFCA eliminates that corporate veto, thus
expanding the democratic possibilities of working folks.
Of course, secret balloting has a natural appeal, since it is how
we elect people to public office. But this is not an election of
public officials. It's a group of people deciding whether to form
an organization, which is commonly done by a mere show of hands
(from those forming a neighborhood association to those forming a
local chamber of commerce).
Again, it is their union we're talking about, not management's. A
union is an employee organization, and sanctimonious management
honchos like Marcus should have no say over the way employees
organize themselves. If management is feeling any genuine
democratic impulse, how about applying it to their own
organizations? After all, corporate managers have become
entrenched despots, effectively shutting out the people who
actually own the company (shareholders) from their rightful role
in decision-making--including, for one fat example, decisions over
the outlandish salaries, bonuses, and perks that top managers
award to themselves.
The wailing we hear from the executive suites about the card-check
process has nothing to do with democratic principles and
everything to do with preserving the autocratic power that
executives hold over America's workforce. If employees can
organize themselves (and CEOs have now realized that card-check
elections would make this much more feasible), then workers will
have a meaningful say in decisions that affect them.
In other words, democracy is exactly what the corporate interests
so vehemently oppose. As Wal-Mart's CEO put it last October when
asked why corporate managers are dead set against card-checks: "We
like driving the car, and we're not going to give the steering
wheel to anybody but us."
The fight is on
With the exception of a few openly hostile outfits like Wal-Mart
and Home Depot, most of corporate America is skittish about
appearing antiworker (especially given today's sour public
attitude toward fat-cat executives), so they are putting millions
of dollars into several front groups to lead the corporate fight
against the free-choice proposal. Here are a few of them:
Center for Union Facts. Launched in 2006 by professional
smear artist and corporate lobbyist Richard Berman, CUF is
presently running a multimillion-dollar, high-profile assault on
unions generally and EFCA specifically. It has placed several
full-page ads in the New York Times (at $150,000 a pop) that
crudely caricature union leaders as thugs. Berman, who calls
himself "Dr. Evil," is known as an ethically challenged
spinmeister who has previously fronted political campaigns for Big
Tobacco, the alcohol industry, fast-food purveyors, etc. He always
refuses to disclose which corporations fund his attacks.
Americans for Job Security. This front group sprang out of
another front group, called The Coalition, that was formed by the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce in the 1990s to run attack ads against
Democrats. AJS is essentially operated by Republican political
consultants. Last December, it bought time on most TV networks for
an ad titled "Blago," which tried to link EFCA-supporting unions
to disgraced Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich. The AJS website
flatly states that the group "does not disclose or discuss its
membership"--as AJS officials explain, such disclosure "would
distract from the group's message."
Coalition for a Democratic Workplace. This group exists to
shed crocodile tears for the "sanctity of the secret ballot." It's
backed by several corporate consortiums, including the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce, Retail Industry Leaders Association (whose
biggest member is Wal-Mart), and Associated Builders and
Contractors. CDW will not reveal its backers.
Workplace Fairness Institute. The soft name glosses over
this outfit's hard corporate intention to stop workers from
organizing. Formed by corporate lobbyists and PR agents, WFI
claims that the card-check option "is an attempt to undermine the
democratic system that Americans hold dear." WFI asserts on its
website that its funders are "NOT anti-union" but merely prefer to
maintain good employer/employee relationships "without the unfair
interference of... union organizers." WFI refuses to disclose the
names of its funders.
Alliance for Worker Freedom. This is an arm of another
right-wing group, Americans for Tax Reform. Both were founded by
Republican operative Grover Norquist. AWF exists to rally the
far-right political network to oppose EFCA. Norquist is not given
to much subtlety: "We're going to crush labor as a political
entity," he boasts. He will not name the companies financing AWF.
Save Our Secret Ballot. SOSB's founders include such
corporate-backed, right-wing outfits as the Heritage Foundation,
the Goldwater Institute, and Norquist's Americans for Tax Reform.
SOSB is going to the extreme of trying to outlaw the card-check
process by introducing state constitutional amendments to require
secret ballots in all elections, including "designations or
authorizations of employee representation." SOSB is unwilling to
identify its funders.
Political will
Across the country, there is broad support for the Employee Free
Choice proposal. A Peter Hart poll released this January shows
that 73% of the public supports it, including nearly half of
Republicans.
The problem is that popular support must endure a gauntlet of
naysayers in Washington, including 13,000 corporate lobbyists, a
solid line of recalcitrant Republicans, and a contingent of
weak-kneed corporate Democrats. Senate Minority Leader Mitch
McConnell has already declared that "this is an issue on which
there will be no bipartisanship," claiming that the proposal would
"Europeanize America." Oh, the horror.
This is going to be a major test for Obama, who pledged
unequivocally last year that he would "get this thing done" if he
won the presidency. Getting it done will require him to make a
choice between working families and his corporate funders, to face
down his own corporatist economic advisors, to use real
presidential muscle with Congress, and--most important--to rally
grassroots support to bring the people directly into the fight.
Yes, he can, but will he?




















